Friday, September 19, 2014

India Backtracks on Gas Price Rises

After India’s previous Congress Party-led government broke the decades-long tradition of holding natural gas prices way below market levels, the newly elected Modi government now is reviewing that courageous, if partial, step toward market pricing.  (For details on prior deal, see below "China, India Raise Gas Prices, Part 2--India," July 29, 2013.)

India has long set energy prices below market levels. This policy resulted in two predictable effects:  significant energy shortages and huge government deficits. Gas demand in India is expected to hit 450 million cubic metres per day by fiscal 2015-16 (starting next April 1), with domestic production of less than 120 mmcm/d and projected imports of 170 mmcm/d, leaving a gap of more than 160 mmcm/d (5.7 bcfd).   The International Energy Agency estimates that India’s subsidies just for oil products jumped from $11.5 billion in 2009 to $30.9 billion in 2011.  In the same period, subsidies for natural gas--a much smaller market--varied from $2 to $3 billion annually.

Despite the environmental and energy security advantages of natural gas in India, gas represents less than six percent of total primary energy requirements.  (Coal, mostly produced domestically, accounts for 45 percent.)  The Government of India provides its fertilizer and petrochemical industries not only subsidized prices for gas, but also priority allocations.  In 2007, these two industries consumed more than two-thirds of all gas used, but the growth of gas-fired power plants dropped that share to about half by 2012.

The rise of gas-fired power rested on hopes for Reliance Industries Ltd.’s (RIL) production from its giant offshore Krishna-Godavari D6 block.  RIL had projected output of 27 million cubic metres per day by 2010, but it has repeatedly failed to reach targets. (In 2011, BP bought a 30 percent stake in the field for $7.2 billion.)  Last year, with KG-D6 producing only 14 mmcm/d, the government’s allocation priority to the fertilizer industry meant that the allocation for power plants, which was cut from November 2011, was completely eliminated. At the time, curtailments to the 18.7 gigawatts of gas-fired power units were estimated at two-thirds of their needs, with an additional 8 GW of capacity nearing commissioning.  Refineries, steel plants, liquid petroleum gas plants and even city gas supplies also faced allocated natural gas cuts. Not all gas supplies are subject to government allocation, exceptions being mainly for imported gas.

In June 2013 the Union (central) Government announced a decision by the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) to approve pricing of domestic natural gas at an overage cost of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG) into India and international gas hub rates.  The new formula was to have come into effect on April 1, 2014, with an expected price about US$8.40 per million British thermal units (MMBtu) or double the current price in India. 

With national elections called this past spring, India’s election authority in March ordered the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas to hold off on the scheduled April 1 gas price increase until after the new government took power.  The Bharativa Janata Party won a decisive victory over the Congress Party and Narendra Modi became Indian Prime Minister.

In late June, the new Government’s CCEA announced a three-month deferral of the scheduled gas price increases.  Share prices of Indian producers immediately dropped:  RIL by 3.7 percent, Oil and Natural Gas Corp. by 5.8 percent and Oil India Ltd. by 2.8 percent.  Late last month, the government established a panel of secretaries (senior civil servants) from four ministries:  Expenditure, Power, Fertilizer, and Petroleum & Natural Gas.  The panel will examine gaps in the “Rangarajan Formula,” the basis for the delayed increase, including use of heat value vs. volume, weighting of prices in the formula, assigning different prices based on exploration risk and difficulty, etc.  Once the panel consults with affected parties, it will offer its recommendations to the central government.   MPNG Minister Rajya Pradhan promised Parliament the government would present a new gas pricing formula by Sept. 30.

During more than a decade as Chief Minister (governor) of India’s western state of Gujarat, Modi and the BJP gained a reputation for favoring “development over the dole” and being more business-friendly than the Congress Party. Modi’s focus on industrialization and export-promotion in Gujarat may have led to unreasonable expectations when he moved from Gandhinagar to Delhi and from leading 62.7 million (a bit less than the combined populations of California and Texas) to 1.27 billion (nearly four times the U.S. population. 

Modi’s first Union (national) budget, presented in July, was panned by many as disappointing and lacking the vision of Modi’s campaign.  It did propose building 15,000 kilometres (9,375 miles) of pipelines to complete the national gas grid.  It also emphasized the reduction of fuel subsidies, but provided no details.  Thus, the recommendations of the intra-ministerial committee on natural gas pricing—and the Government’s response--may reveal how far Modi and the BJP are willing to move toward market pricing and away from continuing energy subsidies.

Thursday, August 14, 2014

China to Raise Some Natural Gas Prices

China's National Development and Reform Commission announced a more than 20 percent increase in natural gas prices for commercial and industrial users as of Sept. 1, along with removing price controls on imported liquefied natural gas, shale gas and coal bed methane.  The NDRC has a difficult balance to strike between allowing prices to rise sufficiently to encourage expanded domestic gas production and gas import projects, while keeping prices low enough to expand demand to meet environmental goals.  Full story on China's gas prices changes and strategy here.

Tuesday, August 12, 2014

China Slashes Shale Gas Target

Reuters, citing a Chinese website, reports that China has dropped its target of 60-80 billion cubic metres of shale gas production in 2020 to only 30 bcm.  A likely boost for China's LNG import requirements.  Full story here.

Saturday, June 7, 2014

Iran Triggers MENA Nuclear Programs

The revelation a decade ago of Iran’s extensive nuclear program (uranium enrichment) led not only to the contretemps with Europe and the United States about whether the Iranian nuclear program was purely for peaceful purposes, but also triggered strategic anxiety among its Arab neighbors.  This strategic unease among Arab nations in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in turn led to several of Iran’s neighbors moving toward their own nuclear programs and also has created an opening for Russia to expand its influence in the region through assisting countries develop nuclear power, as it did with Iran.

At present, Iran is the only MENA country with an operating nuclear power plant:  The Bushehr 1, 1000-MWe VVER reactor built by Russia’s Atomstroyexport, after several delays, finally started full commercial operation last September.  In February 2014 the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI) announced that construction by Atomstroyexport of a similar unit—Bushehr 2—would begin this spring.  In addition, Iran operates uranium mining, milling, conversion and enrichment facilities and a heavy water production plant. A heavy water research reactor is under construction at Arak.

Research Reactors

A number of other MENA countries have had long-standing nuclear programs, generally operating one or more very small research reactors to provide nuclear training and medical radioactive isotopes.  Algeria commissioned a 1-MW Argentine unit in 1989 and a Chinese 15MW research reactor in 1992.  Egypt started up a USSR-supplied Egypt with a 2-MW in 1961.  A number of scholar’s believe that Egypt’s Atomic Energy Establishment (AEE), during the regime of President Gen. Gamal Nasser, developed technology and training in nuclear weapons.  Egypt did not bring its USSR reactor under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards until the 1980s.

History has shown such research reactors can be less benign.  Israel bombed Iraq’s French-built Osirak 40-MW research reactor in 1981, just prior to first fuel loading, out of concern that Iraq planned to use the reactor for nuclear weapons’ fuel.  In 1991, the U.S. bombed a Russian reactor at the same site in the opening of the Desert Storm operation.  This despite Iraq’s having been a non-nuclear weapon state (NNWS) party to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) since 1969. 

Also, in September 2007, Israel bombed and destroyed what Israeli and U.S. officials claimed was a Syrian plutonium production reactor.  Syria denied the claim, but failed to provide full IAEA access to the bombing site.  In May 2011, the IAEA said “It is very likely that the building…was a nuclear reactor which should have been declared to the Agency.”  Syria had signed the NPT in 1968 and ratified it a year later.  Syria also operates a 30KW Chinese-built miniature neutron source reactor, which went critical in 1996.
Israel itself maintains a policy of opacity regarding its nuclear program.  It is a party to neither the NPT nor the Missile Technology Control Regime.  It has signed, but not ratified, the CTBT.  Its nuclear program is centered at the Negev Nuclear Research Center, where a French plutonium production reactor reached criticality some 50 years ago.  While Israel does not acknowledge its nuclear weapons program, the Nuclear Threat Initiative notes that Israel is “believed to have produced enough weapons-grade plutonium for 100 to 200 nuclear warheads.” (http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/israel/)  Israel has no nuclear electric power generation reactors.

New Nuclear Power Programs

As mentioned above, the realization that Iran was covertly pursuing a nuclear program potentially capable of giving it a nuclear weapons capability, sharply aggravated existing geopolitical, religious and other tensions with Iran’s Arab neighbors.  The response, in part, focused on other countries pursuing nuclear power programs.

Algeria.  Between 2007 and 2010, Algeria signed nuclear cooperation agreements with Russia, the U.S., France, Argentina and South Africa.  Algeria told the IAEA in 2012 that it planned to have a nuclear power plant in operation by 2022, with a second by 2027.  In May 2013, Algerian Energy and Mines Minister Youcef Yousfi moved the target to 2025, while also establishing a Nuclear Engineering Institute to train Algerian personnel.  The country also is considering nuclear desalination.  Algeria has ratified the NPT and has had a full-scope safeguards agreement with the IAEA in place since 1995.  Algeria also is a party to the Treaty of Pelindaba (African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone).

Egypt.  Egyptian President Gamel Adbel Nasser created the Atomic Energy Commission in 1955.  Although Nassar was thought to have considered a nuclear weapons program, Egypt signed the NPT in 1968 and ratified it in 1981, followed in 1982 by a comprehensive safeguards agreement with the IAEA.  Egypt’s Inshas Nuclear Research Center outside Cairo has a USSR 2-MW research reactor, 22-MW Argentine light water research reactor, and fuel and waste facilities.  In 2006, the Mubarak government planned a program of 10 nuclear power reactors, which was supported by Mubarak’s successor Mohammed Morsi.  Any such program will have to await the view of the newly elected Egyptian president and an evaluation of whether the country, with its myriad economic challenges, can support an expensive nuclear power construction effort.

Iraq.  The United Nations Security Council in 2010, recognizing Iraq’s post-Saddam Hussein adherence to its nuclear nonproliferation commitments, lifted sanctions against a peaceful nuclear program.  Iraqi government officials reportedly contacted French nuclear industry officials about rebuilding one of the reactors bombed in 1991.  Iraq ratified the CTBT in Sept. 2013.  While some Iraqi government officials have stated support for a nuclear power program, no specific plans have been advanced as the country focuses on rehabilitating and expanding its oil and gas production and export capability.

Jordan.  A country that imports more than 95 percent of its energy, but has significant uranium resources, Jordan’s Committee for Nuclear Strategy has set out a program for nuclear to provide 30 percent of Jordan’s energy needs by 2030, plus potential power exports.  After a design and siting process involving seven offers from four reactor vendors, the Jordan Atomic Energy Commission (JAEC) in 2010 short-listed reactors from France’s Areva, Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd., and Russia’s Atomstroyexport.  In October 2013, JAEC selected Atomstroyexport to supply two 1000-MW AES-92 reactors, while Rusatom Overseas will operate the plant.  Russia will contribute at least 49 percent of the $10 billion project tab.  The first plant is targeted for operation in 2021, with the second in 2025.  Siting still is unresolved.  A 5-MW research reactor is being built by a South Korean consortium at the Jordan University for Science and Technology north of Amman, with low-enriched uranium to be supplied by Areva.

Kuwait.  Kuwait’s National Nuclear Energy Committee and Rosatom signed nuclear energy for peaceful uses memorandum of understanding and cooperation in 2010.  On March 27, 2014, Rosatom Deputy Director for International Activities Nikolai Spassky met in Moscow with Kuwait’s Ambassador Abdulaziz al-Adwani to offer assistance in the areas of national nuclear legislation, creation of supervisory and regulatory bodies, as well as construction of a nuclear research center and a nuclear power plant, when Kuwait reaches that point. [Itar-TASS]  Kuwait has signed (1968) and ratified (1989) the NPT and supports a Middle East Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (NWFZ).

Libya.  The USSR supplied Libya with a 10-MW IRT-1 research reactor in the 1980s.  Libya ratified the NPT in 1975, but pursued a clandestine nuclear weapons program with technology from the Pakistani AQ Khan network.  The renunciation of all Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) programs by Col. Muammar Qadhafi in 2003 ended Libya’s nuclear weapons program.  The following year Libya signed the Additional Protocol, to provide IAEA oversight of the dismantling of the program.  Prior to the overthrow of Qadhafi, the regime actively sought outside help for nuclear technology related to seawater desalination.

Saudi Arabia.  Following a 2006 decision by the Gulf Cooperation Council to study peaceful uses of nuclear energy, in 2010 a royal Saudi degree stated that “…atomic energy is essential to meet the Kingdom’s growing requirements for energy…“ and the King Abdullah City for Nuclear and Renewable Energy (KA-CARE) commissioned a series of studies that, inter alia, short listed three potential sites for nuclear power plants:  Jubail on the Gulf, and Tabuk and Jizan on the Red Sea.  The Kingdom plans construction of 16 nuclear power plants over the next 20 years, costing more than $80 billion.  It expects the first reactor to commence operations in 2022.  GE Hitachi Nuclear Energy, Toshiba/Westinghouse, and Areva all have expressed interest in supplying nuclear technology.  Saudi Arabia has signed nuclear cooperation agreements with France, Argentina, South Korea and China, and is negotiating with Russia, the Czech Republic, the U.K. and the U.S.  Saudi Arabia is a NNWS party to the NPT and has a Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA.  Riyadh supports a Middle East Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone.

Turkey.  Turkey is not an Arab country, but shares a 499-kilometer (310 mile) border with Iran.  Turkey has explored nuclear power since the 1950s, but only in 1996 tendered for a 2000 MW plant at Akkuyu on the Mediterranean coast near Mersin.  Westinghouse with Mitsubishi, Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd., and France’s Framatome with Germany’s Siemens all submitted bids, but after years of delay in April 2000 Turkey abandoned the effort due to economics.  Turkey re-tendered in March 2008 and accepted the only bid, which came from Atomstroyexport, for four 1200 MW VVER reactors.  The Russians will finance the build, own and operate facility, and Rosatom expects to retain at least 51 percent, while Turkish entities can purchase part of the $20 billion project.  Construction permits are expected this year, with the plants coming online annually starting around 2020

Last year, Turkey accepted a proposal from a consortium led by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries and Areva, with Itochu, for four 1200 MW Atmea1 nuclear reactors to be built at Sinop on the Black Sea.  France’s GdF Suez will be the operator.  The Turkish Atomic Energy Authority anticipates construction to start on the first Atmea1 reactor in 2017, with operation beginning 2023.  ENEC contracted with Uranium One (Canada), Rio Tinto (UK), Areva and Techsnabexport (Tenex—Russia) for uranium concentrates supply; with Areva, Tenex and Converdyn (U.S) for conversion services; and with Areva, Tenex and the European Urenco for enrichment. 

United Arab Emirates (UAE).  Another member of the 2006 Gulf Cooperation Council nuclear energy studies decision, the U.A.E. has moved most quickly.  After the publication in 2008 of a comprehensive nuclear policy document, The Emirates Nuclear Energy Corp. (ENEC) was established to evaluate and implement U.A.E. nuclear power plans.  In 2009, it short-listed consortia from France and Korea, as well as GE-Hitachi, finally selecting Korea for four reactors.  Korea Electric Power Co. (KEPCO), with Samsung, Hydundai and Doosan will construct four Westinghouse APR-1400 reactors, for some $20 billion, at Barakah on the Gulf coast.  Construction commenced on unit 1 in July 2012 and unit 2 in May 2013; unit 3 is expected to start build this year.  Operation of the four units is projected for 2017, 2018, 2019 and 2020.


The U.A.E. is a NPT signatory and ratified a safeguards agreement with the IAEA in 2003, and signed the Additional Protocol in 2009.  In 2009 the U.A.E. also concluded a “Section 123” nuclear cooperation agreement with the U.S. foregoing nuclear fuel enrichment and reprocessing.

Conclusion. 

Many countries in the Middle East and North Africa can justify nuclear programs for desalination and electric power by either their lack of energy resources or by their need to maintain hydrocarbon production for export and to minimize global climate impacts of rapidly growing hydrocarbon combustion.  Nonetheless, concern about Iran’s ambitious atomic energy program clearly motivated many to move beyond mere consideration of nuclear power to actively pursuing it. 

Jordan, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates all have awarded contracts for construction of nuclear electric power plants.   Algeria and Saudi Arabia have announced plans for significant nuclear power sector development, but have not moved to specific plans for plants.  Egypt, Iraq and Libya all have broached nuclear power development, but have much more pressing economic, social and political problems to resolve.  Kuwait has begun preparing for a possible nuclear energy sector.

The expanding interest by MENA countries in nuclear power has provided a double benefit for Russia.  First, it has moved quickly to expand its influence and intelligence gathering in the region by signing nuclear cooperation agreements with any and all comers.  Second, it sees the Middle East as critical to maintaining viability of the Russian nuclear technology, engineering and construction industry as domestic energy growth plateaus.  It already has contracts worth tens of billions of dollars to supply nuclear reactors to Jordan and Turkey.  It no doubt will try to use the nuclear research reactors the USSR built in Egypt, Iraq, Libya and Syria as further leverage.


So far, no other countries in the region appear interested in developing nuclear weapons programs.  Many have emphatically rejected their own nuclear weapons programs, as well as calling for Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zones in Africa and in the Middle East.  But the seeds are sown and will require increased U.S. vigilance. 

Thursday, March 27, 2014

Iranian LNG for Europe?

    As Russian troops stormed the Crimea, reminding Europe once again of the perils of undue dependence on Russian gas, the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and Germany (P5+1) resumed discussions with Iran about an agreement that could lift sanctions on Iran selling oil and gas to Europe. 
     The key issue is Iran’s nuclear development program and its potential for military uses.  But the quid pro quo would be lifting sanctions imposed on Iran’s exports of oil, much of which went to Europe, and European firms’ assistance to Iran in developing its oil and gas resources.  While an agreement could restore Iranian oil imports already this year, Russia’s belligerence raises the question of whether Europe should look more toward Iran in the future for gas supplies as well.
    Iran edges out Russia with the globe’s largest proved natural gas reserves at 1187.3 trillion cubic feet (tcf) or 18 percent of the world total vs. 1162.5 tcf or 17.6 percent.  Qatar, with whom Iran shares the largest offshore gas field, ranks third with reserves of 885.1 tcf.  By comparison, the U.S. holds 300 tcf and the countries of the European Union 61.7 tfc (BP Statistical Review of the World 2013).
     Ironically, Iran had signed agreements in 1975 with Gaz de France, Germany’s Ruhrgas AG and Austria’s OMV to supply them with gas via an exchange agreement with the Soviet Union.  Iran already supplied some southern Caucasus republics of the USSR via the Iran Gas Trunkline (IGAT I).  Iran planned to construct a second pipeline, IGAT II, to supply gas to the Soviet Union, which, under a swap agreement, would provide gas to Ruhrgas, GdF and OMV via an existing Soviet pipeline running through Czechoslovakia.  The Iranian Revolution in 1979 halted IGAT II construction, which never resumed. 
     In 2008, Iran sought foreign funding for IGAT 9, a 1800 km (1125-mile) natural gas pipeline to connect Iran’s South Pars field with European customers via Turkey.  Increasing sanctions put this project on ice.  South Pars is the Iranian portion of the gas field called North Field by Qatar.  Combined reserves are estimated at 50 trillion cubic metres (1767 tcf) of gas and some 50 billion barrels of condensates.
     Around the turn of the century, Iran’s focus for monetizing the South Pars field was a series of liquefied natural gas export projects:  Iran LNG, Pars LNG (with Total S.A. and Petronas) and Persian LNG, as well as an LNG project based on the Lavan gas field.  In late 2007, an Iranian gas official told an international conference that Iran would produce 22 MMT of LNG (1 tcf natural gas) in 2015, 44 MMT (2.1 tcf) in 2018 and about 88 MMT (4.2 tcf) in 2022.  Three years later, following the fourth round of sanctions imposed by the U.S. and E.U., National Iranian Oil Co. Managing Director Ahmed Ghalebani and Deputy Oil Minister Mohsen Khojastemehr announced the suspension of all LNG projects and the redirection of gas projection toward domestic use, including reinjection into Iranian oil fields.
Since the Nov. 2013 interim agreement between the P5+1 and Iran, the subject of Iran’s LNG efforts has resurfaced. 
     On the margins of the December meeting of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries in Vienna, Qatar’s energy minister said they had offered Iran assistance on developing the field they jointly own and that communications links and teams had been established.  While sanctions halted Iran’s exploitation of South Pars, Qatar’s North Field gas catapulted the small country to the top of the LNG exporters, with an export capacity of 77 MMT/Y (3.7 tcf).  In 2005, Doha imposed a moratorium on new North Field development to permit further analysis of optimal exploitation of the field.  Some believe its offer to Iran is to assure that the Iranians do not develop their side in a way that compromises long-term returns on the overall deposit.  In any event, with Qatar using Western companies and technologies, there is a limit to what they can share before sanctions on Iran are eased.
In March 11, 2014, Iran signed an agreement, during Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s visit to Muscat, to export 10 bcm (350 bcf) of gas annually to Oman via a $1 billion subsea pipeline.  The 25-year deal was valued at some $60 billion, although a final price for the North Pars field gas has not been fixed.  A few days later, The Tehran Times quoted National Iranian Gas Exports Co. Managing Director Alireza Kameli as considering using the pipeline to participate in the Oman LNG plant, which currently serves Asian customers.  Kameli said it would take two and one-half years to construct the subsea pipeline.
     Section 12 of South Pars is expected to start production this year.  Development of sections 12, 15, 16, 17 and 18 have been given priority by Oil Minister Bijan Namdar Zanganeh.  While expeditious field development, and especially LNG facilities, likely would require foreign technology and capital, many foreign firms were involved prior to sanctions:  Total, Italy’s Eni and Snamprogetti, Royal Dutch Shell, OMV of Austria, Norway’s Statoil, Spain’s Repsol, Germany’s Linde, Korea’s Hyundai and Daelim, Malaysia’s Petronas and SKS Group, China National Petroleum Corp., China National Offshore Oil Corp. and the overseas arm of India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corp.  In addition, prior to sanctions, discussions to import Iranian gas reportedly were entered into by Switzerland’s Elektrizitaets Gesselschaft Laufenburg, Thailand’s PTT, Germany’s E.on, and Poland’s PGNiG.

     Even if sanctions are lifted, Iran’s natural gas priorities will remain meeting domestic demand and expanding pipeline gas exports to Turkey, Iraq and Pakistan.  Iran’s geographic position, however, makes LNG an attractive option to develop the world’s largest gas field.  And from the Europeans’ perspective, Russia’s reminder of its menace may make Iranian LNG a relatively attractive option for European buyers.

Tuesday, February 11, 2014

Big Gas Find in China

      As an update to my Nov. 5, 2013, article "China Steps on the Gas," in The Abraham Energy Report, note that UPI yesterday ran a story of a major natural gas find in China's Sichuan Basin.  China National Petroleum Corp. claimed that China's Land and Resources Ministry had verified technically recoverable reserves of one trillion cubic feet of gas at CNPC's Anyue gas field.  First phase production of the field is targeted to reach 140 billion cubic feet (3.96 billion cubic metres) per year.  The full UPI article is available here.